The reasons for our close relations with Mikhail Gorbachev, whose birthday we now celebrate, go beyond the mere politics and history, and beyond our cooperation at that unique time - the source of it is the personal respect for each other and, above all, the mutual trust. This trust and respect have evolved into personal friendship that I recognize as one of the most valuable results of my political activity.

Anyone can easily understand what it means to me to live again in my native town Halle in a free and democratic state together with other people. Those living in Halle will always remember Mikhail Gorbachev, for it was him who has made it possible. They demonstrated it clearly enough during his visit to Halle in December 1993.Mikhail Gorbachev, of all people, is worthy of all the awards and honors that he has got for his contributions to the cause of peaceful co-existence of nations, because he had to go the longest way together with his country.

In a talk in December 1989, I realized what it meant to him. I am also aware of the extent of misunderstanding that he and his ideas were to face. I also address my words of gratitude to Raisa Gorbachev, his late spouse, who had meant so much to him and who had always stood by him as he moved along his hard and courageous path.

In his speech at the UN General Assembly, a world forum held on December 7, 1988, he said: "The world, indeed, has reached a turn in its development." At that time he appreciated people's striving for independence, democracy and social justice. He talked about the problem of survival and self-preservation of mankind. He demanded that world policy should be primarily based on universal human values. And the language he spoke was totally different from the one used by his predecessors.

Frankly, it was also a language different from the one employed by some leading representatives of Western community at that time. The man using this language was well aware of the global problems, he realized the responsibility for a better future for mankind that all of us shoulder. His speech was in the spirit of Hans Jonas, a great German and American philosopher, who was compelled to leave Germany in the 1930s because he was a Jew. His book "Responsibility Principle" taught us to realize that our responsibility extends beyond everyday routine, that we are responsible for the future. Gorbachev's address did not find a broad response in the world at that time, most of the "ruling circles" in the West also missed its meaning. When I expressed my positive opinion of his speech I got a feeling that it was like the Biblical "voice in the wilderness."

March 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev was appointed General Secretary of CPSU, marked the beginning of a new age both for the Soviet Union and for the relations between the West and the East, and for the whole world as well. Mikhail Gorbachev has changed his own country, Europe and the whole world, and it was a change for the better. He introduced the words perestroika and glasnost to characterize a new thinking which he required of himself and of the others. He knew that a tremendous risk might lead to abandoning any idea of change, and that only a will to implement changes presents a good chance. And he had a will to build the future that could make it possible for people, with all their rights, responsibilities, wishes and strivings, to develop freely. His words - "Life punishes those who come too late" - uttered in October 1989, became a warning that one could not help hearing, a warning to all those concerned and to those who had no right to ignore those changes. This warning still remains urgent today, in the age of globalization.

In February 1987 I delivered a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos. I spoke about the future tasks and I urged the Western community "to take Gorbachev seriously, to take him at his word and not to miss a chance offered by history."

Today, precisely ten years since the end of the Cold War, we can better understand the historical processes that have confirmed Gorbachev's vision of a common European house. But at the time of the Cold War the views of Gorbachev as a politician and a reformer were revolutionary indeed. Some people regarded them revolutionary to such an extent that they simply could not understand his message. Moreover, they tried to label this message as an exceptionally clever and deceptive move. Mikhail Gorbachev put his critics to shame by sincerity of his words, his deeds and the courage that he had shown and still continues to show as he moves forward.

My first encounter with him occurred in summer 1986. Our conversation lasted for three and a half hours. One could feel almost physically that the West-East and the German-Soviet relations were about to enter a new stage of their development. "Let us write a new page," said Gorbachev to conclude our meeting. However, in reality the results turned out to be even more significant. His ideas of a common " European House," appreciation of the role played by the United States of America to achieve stability in Europe, recognition of human rights, positive assessment of the processes going on within the framework of OSCE, mutually beneficial cooperation in all spheres, common cultural consciousness, elimination of disbalance in the armaments, a cut in arms to the extent of defense potential were the ideas of the Soviet leader who had chosen to take an absolutely new path.

To understand the revolutionary nature and historical importance of his words and deeds we need to remind us today what the Soviet policy, permeated with the spirit of "Brezhnev era," was like before Mikhail Gorbachev came to power. Under his leadership both the Soviet internal policy and foreign policy took a radical turn. A process of unprecedented democratization began in the Soviet Union. The promises contained in the Helsinki Final Act of 1975 were finally kept. The foreign policy was now to be guided by the motto "cooperation, not confrontation." Foreign policy shaped by Mikhail Gorbachev and Eduard Shevardnadze was based on the realization of the fact that a war in the nuclear era would inevitably result in the destruction of mankind, that no nation and no coalition alone could meet the global challenges of the present time, and that no global problem could be solved unilaterally. Mikhail Gorbachev was guided by the realization of this fact in his efforts to overcome European and world disintegration.

There were two more ideas that determined his activities. First, urgent modernization of the then Soviet Union's economy was impossible without simultaneous modernization of society and making it open both within the country and for the rest of the world. Secondly, in his own words: "The principal obstacle we have to overcome in our reforming activity is our mentality." His new thinking was determined by the realization of a close link between democracy in the nation and its cooperation with the outside world. This is, in fact, true, since democracy is the best guarantee of the nation's peaceful foreign policy.

If today, more than a decade later, we remind ourselves once again of Gorbachev's UN address in December 1988, we shall understand that his concept of a new world order he presented had been already taking shape and gaining momentum in the Soviet Union, accompanied by the process of revolutionary reforms. And still many in the West understood it only after a certain hesitation, if they were to understand it at all.

Gorbachev spoke about the new ideas that would completely change the situation in the world. In fact what he meant was what we would generally call the "globalization" today. He meant the scientific and technical revolution, the ever-expanding communication networks, transportation routes and the world economy. The new globalized world and the new world order presented us with new technical and economic challenges, but, as Gorbachev used to say, they had to be directed into the channel of "common human consensus." I think it resembles the first basic article of our Basic Law which deals with human dignity, and that means with dignity of every person. We can as well interpret it as a Christian understanding of a human being, or, as Thomas Dehler, a great liberal, said: "A man, being the image of God, the bearer of the immortal soul and a unique unmatched personality, has his own dignity. Our responsibility is to maintain that dignity in our earthly life."

To solve global problems, Gorbachev required the cooperation between the states maintained on a new scale, a cooperation of a new type and an agreed understanding of common challenges and common objectives. It meant that global problems confronting us could only be solved by joint efforts. It is exactly what constitutes the basic principle of the European Union, the success and the magnetic force of which are the best proof of this principal assumption.

There is another principle that Gorbachev also considers basic, and it is the principle of freedom of choice. As it turned out later, during our "2 plus 4" talks on the international aspects of the German unity, Gorbachev managed to keep his word again by adhering to his mature principal convictions in his political actions.

And, finally, we should mention yet another aspect of his address that will remain important and correct in the XXI century, too. He said that the epoch and the notion of a new world order required an internationalized dialogue and an internationalized negotiation processes. In fact he demonstrated in practice his readiness to enter into a conversation with his ex-opponents whom he now considered his partners.

The nations of the world must thank the new thinking of Mikhail Gorbachev for renouncing the old Cold War policies and for their ceasing to be hostages held by nuclear confrontation of the two blocs of Western and Eastern states. The nations of the world are indebted to him for an opportunity to live peacefully and according to their own beliefs.

Thus, Mikhail Gorbachev is not only a man who has been the first to introduce the idea of a common "European House," but also the one who has become one of the greatest harbingers and architects of that house. The whole world respects him today. However, there is a question we should ask: Are the warnings he makes today given the consideration they deserve? Does one take his words about the danger of a new nuclear arms race and his warnings against new attempts to create a one-sided not universal security system by establishing a system of anti-missile defense system seriously? Do we pay enough attention to Mikhail Gorbachev's warnings against isolating Russia and playing down her role? I am of the opinion, however, that Russia herself must understand more clearly what Mikhail Gorbachev and his personal image mean for her.

In his speech made at the ceremony held in early June, when he was awarded the Charlemagne Prize, Bill Clinton, the President of USA, made it clear that he understood Gorbachev's warning against keeping Russia away from building a European House. He supported the idea of a universal partnership between the West and the East saying that it should include promoting and strengthening of stability and democracy in the country itself, as well as cooperation with the West, and also a complete integration of Russia into global organizations.

The Russia of today is involved in the economic activities carried out by the G-7/G-8 group at the summit level. But we should not stop at that. Russia should have an opportunity to find its own place in the ranks of the great and united Europe while the process of creating a new European order is still underway.

No one is entitled to shut the doors against Russia. The great European nation of Russians is an integral part of a new Europe. The European culture is inconceivable without the great contributions made by Russia. The history of the XX century would be incomplete without the names of Gorbachev and Sakharov. The picture of a new common European order in a distant future must also include a closer cooperation between the European Union and Russia. Creation of a universal European infrastructure in the sphere of transportation, energy and telecommunications will have to constitute one of its primary objectives.

The same refers to the establishment of a free trade zone that should include the European Union, Russia and other states located in the territory of the former Soviet Union. The old bipolar world of the Cold War era has been left far behind. But it has not been transformed into a one-polar world order, in which one country could dominate over the rest of the countries. A new multi-polar world order is now in the process of making, the order in which the United States of America and Russia present important power centers, but are not the only ones. China, India, Japan, and regional unions of states have also taken their place in this order. A new world order can ensure a stable peace and an even closer cooperation between the large regions of the world, provided it is based on the equality of rights. The era of spheres of influence mentality and a striving for domination should become a thing of the past. We should not listen to those who present confrontation of civilizations as something inevitable. It is necessary for us to realize that only the tolerance of other people makes it possible to replace confrontation by cooperation.

The fact that today, having got rid of the walls that used to separate us some time ago, we can discuss our common targets and challenges openly and frankly is the realization of Mikhail Gorbachev's United Nations' address: "The only way to deal with the global problems and challenges that are facing us is a mutual dialogue." And today, at the turn of the XXI century, when we celebrate the seventieth birthday of Mikhail Gorbachev, we honor this man who has cleared the way to a better future for us.

The most remarkable thing about Mikhail Gorbachev is his being a man who can be trusted. No matter how bold his words might seem to be, they had never been at variance with his deeds. That is exactly what gave me the reason to trust Mikhail Gorbachev immediately upon our first encounter and to talk about a historical chance that his policy offered to Europe and to the world. My trust was affirmed when the reunification of Germany was on the agenda and especially during the "2 plus 4" negotiations process.

However, today we are responsible for building a great Europe. The concept of a new world order contained in his address to the United Nations remains as important today as it was then, and it shows the shrewdness demonstrated by Gorbachev even more clearly. The fact that the leader of the Soviet Union was a man endowed with a new mentality made the process of further development much easier, and there were other things that would have been impossible but for his efforts.

This tribute honoring Mikhail Gorbachev is a good occasion to remember the words of Jacob Burkhardt, a historian: "There are times without their great men, and there are great men who don't fit into their times." We were fortunate enough to get a great man in the person of Mikhail Gorbachev at the right time, for, as Burkhardt continues: "The human race needs its great men in order to get rid of the obsolete forms of life and the idle talk."

Thanks to his courage, shrewdness and humanness, Mikhail Gorbachev has done a great service to his country, to Europe and especially to the reunited Germany. That is why I would like to address him on his birthday with the following words: "Dear friend Mikhail, we shall always be grateful to you, and I am proud to call you my friend."